Winifred Hutchinson: Q's Assistant. A Pioneer of Women's Education at Cambridge.

 

Introduction

During the last years of the First World War, Q began to suffer badly with problems of eyesight; his work involved a massive amount of reading and preparation, much of it, as A.L. Rowse points out, accomplished on train journeys between Fowey and Cambridge, and he was forced to take on secretarial assistance. His choice of assistant was Winifred Hutchinson of Newnham College, a classicist and translator. Hutchinson is only briefly mentioned by Q's biographers: Brittain writes that she was 'widely read and had a remarkably good memory' and was 'an ideal assistant for Q and had done secretarial work for him ever since 1917, when he already had trouble with his eyes'. Rowse dismisses Hutchinson and her great friend Rosamond Philpott in the phrase 'the ladies who helped'.

There is no intimation here of Hutchinson's own great academic ability: she was awarded a fellowship by Newnham in 1901, 47 years before women were finally admitted as full members of Cambridge University in 1948. This study examines Hutchinson's life and achievements in the context of the education of girls and women, and her friendship with Rosamond Philpott, not an academic but another able woman making a name for herself in a profession historically the province of men, at a time when women of her class were just emerging from a domestic sphere into the workplace and public life.

Family and Background

Winifred Margaret Lambert Hutchinson was born in the first quarter of 1868 to Edward and Margaret Hutchinson, at 8 Sumner Place, in the parish of St Mary Abbott, South Kensington, London. Winifred was brought up in comfortable circumstances: the household in Sumner Place in 1871 included a cook, housemaid, nurse and nursery maid.

Her father, Edward, had been born in Mussoorie, Bengal, India, the son of Caroline (née Caldwell) and John Ross Hutchinson, a Scotsman, who was a Commissioner of the East India Company and later became a judge in Bengal. After the death of Edward's father, Mrs Hutchinson moved to Edinburgh with her younger sons Robert, a medical student, and Charles and Edward, both classical students. The boys would, in any case, have been sent home to be educated. Jon and Rumer Godden in Two Under the Indian Sun, writing of the Edwardian era, say:

In those days all English people living or working in the East, except those who were very poor or very wise, sent their children back to England to be brought up even though this meant years of separation during which the children were exiles.

Jon and Rumer Godden as five and six year olds lived in London with their grandmother and two maiden aunts but were reprieved by the outbreak of the First World War and taken back to the safety of India for five years, during which they lived an idyllic existence, in a large house with a large staff (largely dictated by the requirements of the caste system) which gave them a false idea of their worldly status. They describe the culture shock of returning to:

...an ordinary middle-class house, one maid of all work, buses, a sensible dark blue uniform for a sensible workaday Anglo-Catholic convent school [whereas] in Narayangunj, there were no higher circles than ours . . . [but] when one looked behind the facade, things were not as extravagant as they seemed.

The Company rented the house for its agents and owned the launch which took their father to work and, except for a few inherited items, 'there was nothing of value in the whole house'.

For boys having to earn their own livings, a good education was paramount. John Ross Hutchinson, Winifred's grandfather, had a large family, mainly boys who would all need professions. Of Edward Hutchinson's older brothers, two, Robert and James, became doctors working in the Indian medical service, and another was Major-General Alexander Ross Elliott Hutchinson of the Bengal Army, and yet another, Charles Webber Hutchinson, became Postmaster General of Madras.

Edward became a solicitor and was a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and Lay Secretary of the Church Missionary Society (C.M.S.) in Salisbury Square, EC4. In 1873 he was photographed with a group from the C.M.S: four West Africans – three members of the clergy and a medical student – next to the 'Wilberforce Oak' at Keston, Kent, where Wilberforce reputedly had met with William Pitt to discuss the anti-slavery campaign; and in July1874, at a meeting of the C.M.S. at Wymondham vicarage in Norfolk, Hutchinson presented the Royal Geographical Society bronze medal to Jacob Wainwright, one of those who had accompanied Dr Livingstone on his last journey and who described how they had preserved his body and transported it to Zanzibar. Edward's article entitled 'The Progress of the Victoria Nyanza Expedition of the Church Missionary Society' was published in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society Vol. 21, No. 6 1876-77. He also published a book The Lost Continent: its Re-discovery and Recovery (or Africa and the Church Missionary Society).

His interest in Africa probably came from his mother, Caroline, who was born at the Cape of Good Hope, as well as from his work for the C.M.S.. 

Winifred Hutchinson's mother, Margaret Leeman, married Edward Hutchinson at Holy Trinity, York on 12 August 1858. She was the daughter of George Leeman MP whowas the son of a greengrocer and went on to become a lawyer,  railwayman,  Alderman of the City of York for twenty-eight years, three times Lord Mayor of York, and Liberal MP for York from 1865-8 and 1871-80. His son, Joseph, also became MP for York.

The Hutchinson household in London seems to have been an interesting and lively one. An obituary for Margaret written in April 1887, following her death on 30 March, records how:

...the deceased lady inherited the talents of her distinguished father. She took a high place in the religious and literary circles of London. She had a great deal of talent in writing for periodicals, and she was known to and much valued by many distinguished statesmen and litterateurs. Gordon was her very intimate friend. He was more at home with Edward and Margaret Hutchinson than in almost any house in London, constantly appearing at their breakfast table, the only sure hour to find busy people in London. One of his last letters from Khartoum was to his “little friend”, as he lovingly called her, and one of his last gifts to anyone was a bullfinch to her' (Montrose Standard  Friday, 15 April 1887).

Winifred had one brother: Claud Mewys Mackenzie Hutchinson, born in 1869. He was educated at Trinity College, Glenalmond and St John's, Cambridge. After graduating, he lectured in chemistry at the Colonial College, Hollesley, Suffolk. This had been set up in 1887 with the object of preparing 'gentlemen emigrants' for a life in the colonies. The expansion of the middle classes meant that the traditional professions, the army and the civil service were over-subscribed and more 'younger sons' were opting for life in the colonies, but were often ill-prepared. The Colonial College taught practical skills: knowledge of farming, forestry, mining, shipping etc. and used its contacts overseas to obtain suitable employment for young men. The college ran into financial problems and was sold in 1905 to the American philanthropist Joseph Fels and, renamed the Hollesley Bay Labour Colony, was used by the Central Committee of the London Unemployed Fund to train unemployed Londoners in farm work.

Claud was a bacteriologist. In 1904 he joined the Indian Tea Association in Assam and in 1907 succeeded Harold Hart Mann as Scientific Officer. In 1909 he became Imperial Agricultural Bacteriologist at Puna. His work was principally concerned with soil nutrients and fertility, particularly nitrogen fixation, green manures and humus. He also researched pebrine disease of silkworms; bacteriology in indigo fermentation, and the sterilization of water using chlorine. He was made a Companion of the Indian Empire in 1920 and in 1914 had married Miss Alice Muriel Leather, whose father J. Walter Leather was a research scientist. Claud eventually retired from the Indian service in 1926, joined I.C.I. , and was living back at Aldeburgh in 1939. He died in 1941.

In 1887, at the time of their mother's death, Winifred and Claud were living with her at Montrose in the care of Colonel Macdonald of St Martin's, a great friend of the family, at a house belonging to him called Craig, whilst their father was in Canada. Edward Hutchinson had parted company with the Church Missionary Society over some misunderstanding with the committee. Margaret's obituary explains that as lay secretary of the society he had a large entertaining allowance and 'his home was always full of black celebrities. It was Mr Hutchinson's duty to introduce them to Her Majesty and to Cabinet Ministers'. It is not clear what the misunderstanding was but may have involved the entertainment allowance. Mr Hutchinson 'severed his connections with the Society' and went to Canada, where he was ordained by the Bishop of Huron who appointed him to the incumbency of Petrolia. Margaret's health did not permit her to join her husband and her sudden illness in 1887 obliged him to return to Scotland. Her funeral took place in York where she was interred next to her father, mother and brothers.

At the time of his wife's death Edward had, in fact, just been appointed to a church in the south of Scotland. The writer of the obituary speculates that he would probably return to Canada with his children. This does not seem to have been the case, however, as in 1891 he was living at 28 Marchmont Road, Edinburgh and Claud was with him at the time, although Claud may have just been visiting during a vacation, as he graduated from Cambridge in 1891, and Winifred was by then also living in Cambridge as a student. Probably Edward thought it best not to interrupt Claud's education at the time of Margaret's death. Trinity College, Glenalmond, where Claud  was at school, was intended as a preparation for the episcopal church, and this may have been the intention of his father as a career for him but Claud became a scientist. Edward did eventually return to Canada and died on 31 March 1897 at Forest, London, Ontario.

The Education of Girls

Winifred Hutchinson was a contemporary of Q and his sisters, born only three years after Lilian Quiller-Couch. At the time, the debate over the role of the state in the provision of education, which had begun in the first half of the nineteenth century, was still going on and, as Professor P.W. Musgrave writes: '

The education of girls was seen essentially as a family concern. At all levels of society girls learnt at home the vocational requirements for their future tasks as wives. (Musgrave, 1968)

The provision of education for both boys and girls was inseparable from the expectations, requirements and economics of differing social classes. For the aristocracy, the purpose of education for both sexes was the acquisition of social graces and for girls in particular, a view to their future advantageous marriageability. These aims had remained virtually unchanged from those discussed in the treatise De L'Éducation des Filles, written by François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénélon, archbishop of Cambrai, in the later seventeenth century, and those established by his contemporary, Madame de Maintenon, in the formation of the school for impoverished girls of the nobility financed by Louis XIV (whom she secretly married after the death of his queen), which became known as Saint-Cyr, after its location: namely, religious instruction; a horror of vice and a love of virtue; the acquisition of social graces; and the duties of an honest woman in her household, as regards her husband, children and servants. The girls remained at Saint-Cyr from the ages of seven upwards until twenty, when they were given a dowry of 3,000 livres to enable them either to marry or enter a convent, no other options being available to women of their class. Fénélon disapproved of the inclusion of theatre as part of the curriculum of Saint-Cyr: his emphasis was on religion, obedience and simplicity. He had a horror of the love of luxury and gossip which he regarded as peculiarly feminine vices and disapproved strongly of any discussion of religious matters as likely to lead to heresy and advised that girls should learn to fear "les pièges de la curiosité et de la presomption."

In Britain, purity, obedience and graceful accomplishments were equally valued, although the emphasis in the education of girls of the upper classes was less on religion – an excess of zeal in this respect being regarded as somewhat vulgar and un-English – than on superficial accomplishments. In the Oxford Book of English Prose, which Winifred Hutchinson helped to produce, Q includes an amusing piece by Jane Evans (1783-1824, and best remembered for her nursery rhyme Twinkle, Twinkle Little Star) on A Young Lady's Education:

 Well! . . . my education is at last finished: indeed it would be strange, if, after five years' hard application, anything were left incomplete. Happily that is all over now; and I have nothing left to do, but to exercise my various accomplishments.

Let me see! - as to French, I am mistress of that and speak it, if possible, with more fluency than English. Italian I can read with ease and pronounce very well: as well, at least, and better, than any of my friends; and that it all one need wish for in Italian. Music I have learned till I am perfectly sick of it. But, now that we have a grand piano, it will be delightful to play when we have company. I must still continue to practise a little; – the only thing, I think, that I need now improve myself in. And then there are my Italian songs! which everybody allows I sing with taste, and as it is what so few people can pretend to, I am particularly glad that I can.

My drawings are universally admired: especially the shells and flowers, which are beautiful, certainly; besides this, I have a decided taste in all kinds of fancy ornaments.

And then my dancing and waltzing! in which our master himself owned he could take me no farther! – just the figure for it certainly; it would be unpardonable if I did not excel.

As to common things, geography, and history, and poetry and philosophy, thank my stars, I have got through them all! – so that I may consider myself not only perfectly accomplished, but also thoroughly well-informed.

Well, to be sure, how much I have fagged through – ; the only wonder is that one head can contain it all.

Gwen Raverat (1885-1957), renowned wood engraver and granddaughter of Charles Darwin, writes in her autobiography Period Piece: A Cambridge Childhood of her American mother's unusual theories of education:

[She] held strongly that the education of the hands developed the mind. But we conservative children did not agree at all . . . We objected very strongly to being reft away from proper lessons such as sums or Latin grammar, to make weak and waggly baskets, which nobody wanted...The worst of it was that there was a strong theory that day schools for girls were Bad; so, though Charles went fairly young to "Goody's" [St Faith's], we girls were condemned to the dull confinement of the schoolroom at home, under a series of daily governesses. This was partly because the Perse School for Girls was not well spoken of, at that time; but, still more, because my aunts would not have dreamed of sending my cousins there. The upper classes did not approve of day schools, though boarding schools for older pupils might sometimes be allowed. The Aristocracy, however, did not even hold with boarding schools, for a peeress of our acquaintance once roused my mother to fury, by snubbing her with the words "We do not send our daughters away to school" (Raverat, 1952). 

Young boys of the upper classes often received their early education from governesses alongside their sisters. Q and his sisters were educated in this way and Q, in Memories and Opinions gives a scathing account of the education they received at the hands of 'Miss O', an old school friend of their mother's, fallen on hard times and employed by her out of charity. Even as a young boy Q recognised the limitations of this education, as well as being bored to distraction by rote learning from text books written for children, and demanded that he be sent to school. His sisters had no such option and were left to Miss O and their father's library.

The profession of governess was the only socially acceptable one for daughters of gentlemen in straightened circumstances forced to earn their own livings. The standards of teaching varied enormously – some of them were barely better educated than their pupils and stayed two steps ahead by the use of such textbooks as those used by Miss O. The founding of the Governesses' Benevolent Institution in 1843 was an attempt in part to regulate standards in the profession and it inaugurated examinations in 1846 for those intending to follow this career. The plight of the lonely governess has been explored often in literature – they were neither one thing nor the other – not part of the family, employees but not servants, and often despised alike by their employers, their pupils and the servants of the household. In Charlotte Brontë's novel Shirley, Mrs Pryor advises Caroline Helstone against becoming a governess. Her poignant and impassioned speech was partly a riposte on the part of Charlotte Brontë to the bitter attack on Jane Eyre which had appeared in the Quarterly Review by Elizabeth Rigby in December 1848. Through Brontë account of Mrs Pryor's instruction in the proper place of the governess she is able to make an ironically effective retort to the Quarterly's reviewer. Each sentiment and opinion attributed to Mrs Pryor's employers is, in fact, expressed by Rigby in her review in the Quarterly – in most cases expressed word for word. Charlotte Brontë simply takes phrases and whole sentences from Miss Rigby and puts them in the mouths of Mrs and Miss Hardman via Mrs Pryor:  

I was early given to understand that "as I was not their equal" I could not expect "to have their sympathy". It was in no sort concealed from me that I was held a "burden and restraint in society". The gentlemen, I found, regarded me as a "tabooed woman", to whom "they were interdicted from granting the usual privileges of the sex," and yet who "annoyed them by frequently crossing their path." The ladies too made it plain that they thought me "a bore". The servants it was signified, "detested me:" why, I could never clearly comprehend . . . My life in this house was sedentary, solitary, constrained, joyless, toilsome. The dreadful crushing of the animal spirits, the ever prevailing sense of friendlessness and homelessness consequent on this state of things, began ere long to produce mortal effects on my constitution. . . The lady of the house. . . hinted, that if I did not make an effort to quell my "ungodly discontent" . . . my mind would very likely "go to pieces" on the rock that wrecked most of my sisterhood – morbid self-esteem; and that I should die an inmate of a lunatic asylum.

Mrs Pryor's pupil was as unsympathetic as her mother, observing that:   

We need the imprudences, extravagances, mistakes, and crimes of a certain number of fathers to sow the seed from which we reap the harvest of governesses. The daughters of trades-people, however well educated, must necessarily be under-bred, and as such unfit to be inmates of OUR dwellings, or guardians of OUR children's minds and persons (Bronte, 1974).

In her memoir, Gwen Raverat recalls that her mother employed daily governesses because she 'thought it would be a bore to have them in the house; and she also had a theory that they would value their independence' but in fact 'these ladies led lonely and uncomfortable lives in lodgings'. One of their governesses was later found to have doubled as a parlourmaid in other employments:

Apparently she had been in the habit of taking temporary jobs, sometimes as a governess, sometimes as parlourmaid. The gulf between a servant and a governess was then unbridgeable; it was if a shrimp had tried to turn into a tiger. . . though I don't believe there was much reason to think that she had done anything worse than misrepresent her status as that of a lady; Heaven knows that was bad enough! My mother laughed about it all: "Well, thank goodness, she was with us for so short a time, that she can't have done the children any harm". The other governesses had done much more harm, though with the best possible intentions' (Raverat, 1952)

Anthony Fletcher in Growing Up in England: The Experience of Childhood, 1600-1914, points out the more positive aspects of this type of education for girls. Examining original sources in the form of diaries and memoirs, he concludes that:

Schoolroom education, as all this documentation shows, always reflected the personality and interests of a particular governess. It was often neither especially coherent nor highly organised, but many young girls found it deeply inspiring. Many benefited from the close attention governesses were able to give them as individuals. Many flourished under the concentrated tuition of a single adult, learning habits of regularity and self-discipline which carried them through life. Many found firm friends in their governesses who offered them guidance towards adult responsibility. The schoolroom, we have seen, could be a place of dynamic relationships. It was certainly not all grind. This pattern of domestic education admirably fitted the social and gender conditions of the period from 1770 to 1914. Many hundreds of governesses, in those decades, served many hundreds of children very well indeed (Fletcher, 2008).

Q's own children were educated in the same way as he and his sisters had been, although no doubt Q was rather more particular about the governess's qualifications: Bevil was educated at home by a governess until the age of twelve or thirteen, when he was sent to Hollis Hill and Winchester, although he studied Latin with Q, and Foy remained at home.

Having rebelled against Miss O, Q was sent to one of the small private schools which proliferated in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, often run by sisters or female friends who combined their resources in order to scrape a living from teaching, or by clergymen, some of whom ran small schools or coached boys as a means of supplementing a meagre stipend. Q satirizes such schools in his novel Poison Island in which Harry Brooks is entered at the 'Copenhagen Academy for the Sons of Gentlemen. Principal, the Rev. Philip Stimcoe B.A., (Oxon)'. The Academy turns out to consist of four boarders, including Harry, and 'six backward sons of gentlemen resident in the town'. The Rev. Stimcoe is a hopeless inebriate who drinks all the profits and whose books are consequently all at the pawnbrokers. His assistant master is a retired packet-captain, Branscombe, who in theory teaches English, mathematics and navigation but although he is able to keep order better than Mr Stimcoe and taught mathematics well enough, navigation is a 'mere flourish of the prospectus ' and 'his qualifications as a teacher of English began and ended with an enthusiasm for Dr Johnson's Rasselas.'

Schools for girls were sometimes charitably funded for the daughters of clergymen, such as that attended by Maria and Elizabeth Brontë - with tragic results - and were often advertised as being for the 'Daughters of Gentlemen'. Standards and conditions varied. Jane Austen has a sly dig at these schools in Sense and Sensibility: Elinor and Marianne, staying with Mrs Jennings in London are given the old bedchamber of her daughter, Charlotte, now Mrs Palmer, where 'over the mantelpiece still hung a landscape in coloured silks of her performance, in proof of her having spent seven years at a great school in town to some effect.' In Emma, Austen describes Mrs Goddard's school, where Harriet Smith is a pupil:

[not] a seminary, or an establishment, or any thing which professed, in long sentences of refined nonsense, to combine liberal acquirements with elegant morality upon new principles and new systems – and where young ladies for enormous pay might be screwed out of health and into vanity – but a real, honest, old-fashioned Boarding-School, where a reasonable quantity of accomplishments were sold at a reasonable price, and where girls might be sent to be out of the way and scramble themselves into a little education without any danger of coming back prodigies.

The school attended by Q aged about seven was run by Miss Harriet and Miss Jemina Lutman for young ladies between the ages of fifteen and seventeen, 'myself the only male'. Miss Harriet taught Latin and French, and Miss Jemina arithmetic, Euclid, history, and geography with the use of the globes. Their teaching methods seem to have been sound because Q entered at Newton Abbot school, aged ten, 'far better grounded in Latin, French, Euclid and even arithmetic (my life-long abhorrence) than the boys of thirteen and fourteen in whose form the headmaster placed me' (Memories and Opinions).

Boys of the upper and upper middle classes who had been educated alongside their sisters when small boys, traditionally went on to public schools, which became more numerous as the nineteenth century advanced, and then Oxford or Cambridge. Where money was tight but social position still had to be maintained, economies were made at the expense of girls, who were expected to become wives and mothers. Q's own sisters, Mabel and Lilian, were well-read as a result of their own natural inclinations and access to their father's extensive library, but their formal education was minimal. Anthony Fletcher quotes part of a letter written by a young girl, Blanche Wilson, in 1861, to a friend who had been sent to an expensive finishing school:

 I wish I had your chance of improving myself but brothers, howsoever charming they may be, are expensive creatures and take all the money and the sisters have to grow up ignorant and make their own dresses.

Economy was probably a consideration for Winifred Hutchinson's family. Although her father no doubt earned a reasonable enough salary for the family to live a comfortable upper middle class existence, he came from a very large family and very probably had no additional private means. His mother Caroline died in 1861 and her estate was valued at less than £600. Edward as her executor was described as a 'gentleman'. Winifred's mother also came from a large family. Margaret Hutchinson's father had made money from the railways and was an MP but had also lost a great deal of his wealth with the failure of the Rosedale and Ferryhill Iron Company. It is likely that economic as well as social considerations influenced Winifred Hutchinson's education.

Schools were a means of social advancement for the middle classes. For boys in small country towns 'a cheap or even free education at local grammar schools, most of which were heavily subsidized by endowments made in the past' was often available. The increasingly numerous lower middle class, especially in the industrial areas where their strength lay, wanted enough education for their boys to enable them "to get on". They were, therefore, keen that the curriculum of such local grammar schools that existed should consist of more utilitarian subjects like mathematics and French rather than the classical diet that was almost universal' (Musgrave, 1968). There were no equivalent schools for girls, only the small private schools, and when girls were sent to school, as well as the basics of reading, writing and arithmetic, it was to learn a few accomplishments that would improve their marriage prospects and perhaps enable them to make useful acquaintances amongst those slightly higher up the social scale.

William Cobbett in Rural Rides, writing in the 1830s, was scathing about the transformation of plain, honest farming folk – the kind of background he came from himself – who formerly had housed and fed their men and maids and sat down to eat with them, now paying these starvation wages instead and obliging them to live out, whilst their own children 'are all too clever to work: they are all to be gentlefolk.'

For girls who were expected to contribute to the family income, Anthony Fletcher writes that 'it was important to define objectives carefully'. He goes on to describe correspondence between Edward Cutler and Richard Stephenson, regarding the education of the latter's daughter. Cutler gathered that Stephenson intended her for future employment in 'clear starching, washing and dressing' and advised that the boarding school in Durham which he had in mind would not be suitable and proposed private tuition on three days a week by the woman who did such things for the school, and tuition on the other three days from a Mrs Charlton who taught general needlework, sewing and darning. Fletcher writes:

A professional man, intent on seeing a daughter into a high-quality apprenticeship, like Matthew Flinders, saw the matter very differently from landed families, who simply focused on procuring an advantageous marriage. Flinders's brother-in-law and sister, fortunately, kept a school near Donnington, where he sent Susanna at fourteen, to acquire a modicum of breeding. "We intend her for the millinery business when this term expires", he noted on payment of eighteen guineas in 1793. Eighteen months later he took her in his chaise to place her as an apprentice at Boston (Fletcher, 2008).

Education for all classes of society was privately funded. Although, Musgrave writes, with the passing of the Health and Safety of Apprentices Act in 1802, by which 'factory owners were supposed to provide adequate instruction in the three R's during the first four of the seven years of a child's apprenticeship' , that the state had a role in regulation was accepted, but that it had any responsibility for 'supplying educational facilities or levy taxation for this purpose' was not (Musgrave, 1968). Before the 1870 Education Act, for most girls of the very poorest of the working classes, the only formal education available was that provided by charitable, mainly religious, institutions in which the aim was religious instruction and the ability to read the Bible; and the Dame schools:

These were run by women for small fees often in very insanitary quarters such as damp cellars. Sometimes children were actually taught, but often these schools could only be described as a poor quality child-minding service for working mothers (Musgrave, 1968)

During the second half of the nineteenth century there was an increasing amount of interest on the part of the state in the regulation of educational provision. Forster, in 1869, proposed legislation by which a substantial amount of state intervention would have become possible. So much so, that the public schools took fright:

... [and] under the leadership of Thring, the headmaster of Uppingham, formed the Headmasters' Conference to organize opposition to the Endowed Schools Bill. However, a version of this bill became law and enacted that a reshaped Charity Commission was to reorganize educational and other endowments to make the most efficient use of the available resources for secondary education of both boys and girls in all parts of the country (Musgrave, 1968).

This was not, however, to be financed by the state, but by the reallocation of existing endowments.

What is interesting is that the need for secondary education for girls of a kind similar to that available to their brothers had been officially recognized. There had been gradual moves in this direction earlier: Frances Buss and Dorothea Beale, both products of Queen's College London, which had been set up to raise teaching standards amongst women, became headmistresses of North London Collegiate School –  Buss in 1850 – and Cheltenham Ladies College – Beale in 1858. They were also both part of the Taunton Commission. Roedean opened in 1885 and Wycombe Abbey in 1896 and Fletcher writes: 'In that year, there were already 30 schools belonging to the Girls Public Day School Trust (Fletcher, 2008)'. But, as Carol Dyhouse (Girls growing up in late Victorian and Edwardian England, 2012) has stressed, the new schools accounted for a minority of girls sent away from home. Nor did the revolt against showy accomplishments mean a change of basic objectives. There was no challenge before 1914 to the sexual division of labour. The schooling of girls remained untouched by social radicalism. It was not until the 1902 Balfour Education Act that free secondary education, and hence access to university, became available to those boys and girls whose parents could not afford private schools.

Brittain summarizes the Act as giving:

wide powers over both elementary and secondary education to the County Councils, authorized them to levy rates for building schools and required them to appoint an Education Committee consisting partly of County Councillors and partly of other "persons of experience in education and persons acquainted with the various kinds of schools" (Brittain, 1947).

Q was co-opted onto the committee and spent the next twenty-five years helping to realise the aims of himself, R.G. Rows the first chairman, and F.R. Pascoe, the secretary of the committee, which were 'to build a secondary school within reasonable distance of every house in Cornwall, in spite of its being predominantly a rural county.' They carried on undaunted until they had built a fine chain of secondary schools throughout the county and Rows was able to say with triumph: 'well there the schools are: they can't go back to the quarries again.' These twenty-five years culminated in Cornwall Education Week of 1927, for which Q wrote the preface to the handbook. A.L. Rowse had reason to thank Q because he was himself a product of these educational reforms, and remembers his first meeting with Q as the recipient of a school prize from his hands: Q looking 'more like a weather-beaten sailor than my fancy of what a famous writer would look like'.

Winifred Hutchinson: Education and Scholastic Achievements

It is likely that Winifred Hutchinson's education was, like other girls of her social class, with daily governesses as none are included in the census returns as living with the family. The Rev. Hutchinson may have allowed his daughter to enrol as a student at Newnham because her brother was in Cambridge to keep an eye on her. In 1889, by the time Claud was at St John's, Winifred had in any case reached the age of twenty-one. That she had some catching up to do as regards her education is evinced by the fact that she was aged twenty-four by the time she passed the Cambridge Higher Local examinations in 1892.

The University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate was set up in February 1858 to run public examinations held at regional centres. The examinations were aimed at providing a benchmark of standard in schools and were popular with middle class school leavers intending to enter the professions. From 1869 to 1922, women over eighteen could take the Higher Exams as a pre-teaching qualification or matriculation to Girton or Newnham Colleges (archivesearch.lib.cam.ac.uk).

Women students at Newnham who had had no access to the kind of secondary school education available to their brothers were allowed to progress at their own rate, at a level suitable to their attainments and abilities, before going on to degree level courses. By 1891 Winifred Hutchinson was boarding with a schoolmaster and his family in Regent Street, St Benedicts and, as one of the daughters was also a teacher, they may have given Winifred private coaching.

Newnham College had been established in 1871 with a handful of students who lived in a house in Regent Street rented for them by Henry Sidgwick, whose lectures they attended. The History of Newnham by Gill Sutherland relates how:

The University as an institution had at first taken no notice of these women and arrangements to sit examinations had to be negotiated with each examiner individually. In 1881, however, a general permission was negotiated. The next step was to try to secure for the women the titles of their degrees, not just certificates from their colleges, recording what they had done. A first attempt was rebuffed in 1887 and a second try in 1897 went down to even more spectacular defeat. Men undergraduates celebrating the defeat did thousands of pounds’ worth of damage in the market square. (https://newn.cam.ac.uk/about/history).

Hutchinson progressed rapidly. In January 1892 The Queen reported that she had passed German in Class 1 in the Cambridge Local Exams and on 4 August 1893 the Edinburgh Evening News reported under the headline Scottish Students and Cambridge Local Examinations: 'In the lists issued yesterday are the names of the following Scottish lady students . . . W.M.L. Hutchinson, Dunimarle, Culross.' Presumably the address given in Culross was that of her father.

On 22 June 1894 The Northern Whig reported under 'Second Classes: Moral Sciences Tripos – Div. 1, Miss W.M.L. Hutchinson, Newnham'. The paper pointed out that:

The premier honours of this years triposes have been gained by women, yet none of their names appeared in the list of bachelors of arts inaugurated today in the senate house . . . all those whose names are published being bachelors of arts; but not entitled to so describe themselves.

Miss A.M.J.E. Johnson of Newnham was placed first in the Mathematical Tripos, ahead of all the men, none of whom passed in Division 1 of the class, including 'last year's senior wrangler, Mr G.T. Manley'. A year later in June 1895 Winifred Hutchinson also passed the Classical Tripos in division three.

The rapid expansion of educational provision opened up teaching as a career for women of all classes who had passed the requisite examinations. An article in The Queen of Saturday, 19 March 1904 discussed careers for women:

Many women who have passed the higher Oxford or Cambridge Local Examinations, or the Matriculation Examination of either the London, Victoria, Birmingham or Wales universities, or hold the LL.A degree of St Andrews, often seek work in vain, while unaware that in a field of labour close at hand work is seeking them. This lies in the elementary schools of the metropolis, known today as board schools, but after May 1 when they pass to the care of the London County Council, to be known by some other name. These schools for some time past have been suffering from a dearth of women teachers, and are at present so inadequately staffed that in one district alone there are sixty posts vacant which to qualified capable women would give remunerative employment, infinitely preferable to what many are now engaged in.

In addition, the article points out that there were also vacancies for women qualified in branches of domestic subjects such as cookery, laundry, housewifery and dairy work and goes on to say that:

To anyone feeling rather nervous about this kind of teaching it may be well to explain that large classes are not now the rule and that in the higher grade and higher elementary schools they are often quite small. . . One often sees a governess or lady-help struggling with a few undisciplined children, who require a great deal more of the requisite firmness than a whole class needs in any well-ordered board school.

The great fear of governesses when their teaching days were over, was that of an indigent and lonely old age. In Jane Austen's Emma, when Mr Woodhouse repines the loss of 'poor Miss Taylor' (now Mrs Weston), and reflects on how much Emma will miss her, Mr Knightly comments: 

It is impossible that Emma should not miss such a companion. We should not like her so well as we do, sir, if we could suppose it. But she knows how much the marriage is to Miss Taylor's advantage; she knows how acceptable it must be at Miss Taylor's time of life to be settled in a home of her own, and how important to her to be sure of a comfortable provision (Austen, 1996).

The Queen outlines the advantages of a career as a teacher in the new schools, as opposed to that of a governess in a private household:

Her after-school hours are all quite free, she has a good salary, with the prospect of a pension if she remains a teacher until she is sixty-five, or earlier if ill-health supervenes, and she can grow old with dignity, unlike the many other women workers.

Between 1895 and 1900 Winifred Hutchinson taught at the Graham Street High School in London where the staff were women graduates. The school is mentioned by Oxford graduates who were teachers there, in the Fritillary, the magazine of Lady Margaret Hall, and in that of St Hugh's College. The Queen on Saturday, 13 June 1903 reported that:

A research fellowship at Somerville College, Oxford has been awarded to Miss Evelyn Jamison. Miss Jamison who is the first women to hold a Fellowship in Oxford was educated at the Church of England High School Graham-street, Eaton Square, London, and at Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford. She took a first class in the Honours School of Modern History at Oxford in 1901, and has since then held the post of secretary at her old school. There is one Fellowship for women at Cambridge at Newnham College, which is also at present held by a former member of the staff of the Graham-street High School, Miss W.M.L. Hutchinson.

Newnham awarded Winifred Hutchinson the fellowship in June 1901. The Gloucester Echo describes her as being 'engaged in research on the early history of Aegina and allied subjects'. It seems as though Hutchinson had decided that teaching was not the career for her. Already, in 1900, she had turned her attention to writing: 'The historical and archaeological essay prize at Newnham College has been adjudged to Miss W.M.L. Hutchinson for an essay on 'Aeacus: A Judge of the Underworld' (The Queen, 3 March 1900). This was published in 1901 by Macmillan and Bowes, Cambridge. Winifred Hutchinson wrote:

This little essay is an attempt to study Aeacus primarily as local hero, and to correlate the myths concerning him with the historical facts of his cult in Aegina (Hutchinson, 1901).

By the census of 1901 she was still living in London but now described herself as an 'author'. During the next few years she devoted herself to writing on and reviewing classical subjects, most of her books being aimed at students or younger children. Brittain mentions that she coached in Greek so she may have taken private pupils to supplement her income. Her fellowship gave her a small income and the leisure to write.

Writing and Academic Publications

From 1901 to the beginning of the 1930s Winifred mainly lived in Cambridge and concentrated on writing, although at the time of the census in 1911 she was living at Sunnyside, Aldeburgh in Suffolk, near to Hollesley where Claud had taught. She probably grew to know and like the area when her brother was living there. In the census again she describes herself as 'author'.

She wrote a series of books aimed at introducing children and young people to classical myths and legends. In 1907 Edward Arnold published her book The Golden Porch: A Book of Greek Fairy Tales. This was based on Pindar's Odes, comprising:

  • 'The Favourite of the Gods' [the story of Tantalus]
  • 'The Prince who was a seer' [Amphiaraus]
  • 'Peleus and the Sea-King's Daughter'
  • 'The Lad with One Sandal' [King Pelias and Jason]
  • 'The Pansy Baby' [King Aipytos of Arcadia and Evadne]
  • 'The Heavenly Twins' [Leda and the Swan]
  • 'The Isle of the Rose' [Helios and the Rose Fairy]
  • 'The First Horse' [Danae and Perseus, Bellerophon and Pegasus]
  • 'The Builders of Troy'

In the Preface Hutchinson describes the origins of the tales and her objectives in re-telling them:

The name of this book is borrowed from the Ode in which Pindar has enshrined the loveliest of fairy stories – the "leaf-fringed legend" of the Pansy Child. The poet was bidden to prepare that Ode in honour of a friend's victory in the Olympic Games, and he likens his task to the building of a palace. Golden pillars, he says, must bear up the porch of this House of Song, and the glories of the victor shall form those pillars, glittering afar in the sumptuous frontal of the fabric. Now, chief among the victor's glories was his descent from the namesake of the Pansy, in the Holy Seer of Olympia, and so, through that Golden Porch Pindar leads us into Fairyland.

In adding one more to the innumerable collections of stories from the Greek, I have hoped to break fresh ground by reproducing the myths of Pindar's Odes, as far as possible in a free translation, and with such additions only as were needed to form a framework. Some of these legends are already wholly or partly familiar, but several will be new, I think to English readers.

It may be said that Greek myths, especially as handled by the poet who wove them into his deepest criticisms of life, are misleadingly, if not profanely, entitled fairy tales.

But I would plead that nothing in Greek literature, except the stories of Herodotus, is so steeped in the true fairy atmosphere as are the myths of Pindar. . . For Pindar . . . all Hellas is enchanted ground; it was in Arcadia, in Argos, in his own Thebes, that men of old fought uncanny monsters, entertained divinity unawares, and learnt Earth's secrets from talking beasts and birds. . . it is one charm of his story-telling that he seems to be describing things he saw happen with his own eyes, and another, that the marvels befall quite simply, and so to speak, intelligibly, in the natural course of events.

To these essentials of the perfect fairy tale, Pindar adds the accepted dramatis personae – the brave young prince, the wicked king, his foil, and the incomparably beautiful princess. And always, as in fairy tales all the world over, the wicked king comes to a bad end, while the deserving hero lives happily ever after. . . Some of the stories here presented are put together from the myths of several Odes, and most contain a good deal not to be found in Pindar. But where I have used other sources, or invented details, I have tried firstly to introduce no version of a myth not undoubtedly current in Pindar's day, and secondly, to remember his maxim that "disparagement of the gods is a hateful art".

In 1909, Orpheus with his Lute: Stories of the World's Springtime was published by Edward Arnold. This was followed in 1912 by The Muses Pageant: Myths and Legends of Ancient Greece retold by W.M.L. Hutchinson, published in three volumes by J.M. Dent: I Myths of the Gods; II Myths of the Heroes, and III The Legend of Thebes. These three volumes were part of the Everyman's Library series and Winifred Hutchinson also wrote a fourth volume: The Sunset of the Heroes: Last Adventures of the Takers of Troy. The Pall Mall Gazette of Monday 19 February 1912 reviewed the thirty-nine new volumes of the Everyman's Library published by J.M. Dent 'Completing 600 volumes of the World's Greatest Books in All Literatures'. Of Winifred Hutchinson's volumes they wrote:

 A popular and exhaustive survey of the Greek Mythology has long been a crying want upon our bookshelves, and though Dr Leaf and Mr Lang may have something to say as to details of scholarship, we think they will appreciate the initiative of Miss W.M.L. Hutchinson in undertaking to compress all those wondrous legends of the golden age of classic romance into a prose sequence filling four volumes.

The Classical Review (Vol. 27, Issue 2, March 1913) published a review of The Sunset of the Heroes together with Greek Legends by Mary Agnes Hamilton:

How happy are the children of today, sua si bona norint! Either of these books would have delighted certain children we could tell of, how many years ago! Miss Hamilton describes Theseus, Perseus, Heracles, the Argonauts, the Trojan War, and other such staple themes in an unpretending style. Miss Hutchinson's book is more ambitious. She gives in a connected narrative the history of the Trojan War after the Iliad and very well she does it. The pictures are too delicate – too delicate perhaps in the modern fashion, but never mind: it is a delightful gift book and its stories are not to be met with everywhere.

The Illustrated Literary Supplement of the Pall Mall Gazette (Monday 30 October 1911) in reviewing both The Glory That Was Greece by J.C. Stobart and Hutchinson's The Sunset of the Heroes discussed the disappearance of Greek from the school curriculum:

What is to happen to Greek now that it has been banned from most of our secondary schools and even when it remains but has a precarious tenure? That is what lovers of Hellas are asking themselves among whom Mr. Stobart attempts to supply and answer with the publication of this book. "The Glory That Was Greece" is to be studied by the quiet and cultured, but with the disappearance of all the unpleasant associations of the schoolroom the appeal will be widened. . . A fair-minded, unprejudiced man paying serious attention to all the beauties contained in this book can only come to one conclusion: "My sons must enter this paradise and become familiar with it: to become truly familiar they must learn Greek." Then he will want to know why Greek disappeared, and he will find that its disappearance was caused, not by educational reformers, but by that army of English gentlemen who think that nothing can be taught which cannot be distilled into money. And looking round, he will endeavour to find out if it be really impossible to learn Greek as quickly as French and German are learnt, so that Greek may be included again without seriously crippling the money-making powers of the next generation. And if he really does get this far and is really sensible and fair-minded he will cause a considerable flutter in the educational dovecote.

... Mr. W.M.L.Hutchinson has written afresh in "The Sunset of the Heroes" a great part of the Homeric tradition, embodying in chapters of finished and stirring narrative the episodes that relate to Achilles, Philoctetes, Teucer, Paris, and Agamemnon, with a suitable epilogue giving their relations to the main story. He writes in an easy and persuasive vein, with something of the authentic thrill of the original, and a marked power for dialogue and the lighter graces of description. What is more, Mr. Herbert Cole illustrates it all with a series of delicate drawings which have much of the true classical and heroic turn.

The reviewer for the Pall Mall Gazette admired the illustrations, which the Classical Review did not, and not only assumed that the author of The Sunset of the Heroes was a man, but also that the disappearance of Greek from the school curriculum concerned only boys.

In 1920 Dent also published Hutchinson's Evergreen Stories, retold from Classical Sources. This was part of the King's Treasure of Literature series, of which the General Editor was Sir Arthur Quiller-Couch. This was also published in New York by E.P. Dutton & Co., 1934.

In 1909 Hutchinson wrote an introduction and commentary for a new edition of Cicero published by Edward Arnold: M. Tullii Ciceronis de finibus bonorum et malorem libri quinque. The Classical Review wrote:

We can heartily recommend this book for the University student. It is quite an unpretending book. Miss Hutchinson modestly ascribes any merit it may possess to Madvig but this is not to do herself justice. It is based on Madvig, as any new edition must be, unless a greater than Madvig should arise; but it was made by a practical teacher with the object of explaining what her pupils really wanted to know. Hence, it is fuller in dealing with the subject-matter of the book, and does not take so much for granted. The present writer is grateful for Miss Hutchinson's help, feeling as he does that Madvig is more proper for those who have already read and understood the main lines of the De Finibus. It is a great relief to be spared what one may call the show-notes in which authors let off steam; these notes are few and to the point.

In The Oxford Book of English Prose, Q included an extract from one of Pliny's letters translated by William Melmoth, describing the source of the Clitumnus. He used the same extract, comparing the location to the source of the Warwickshire Avon, in his lecture 'On the Lineage of English Literature' so while it may have been a personal favourite it may also have been intended as a graceful compliment to his assistant, Hutchinson (as indeed may have been the inclusion of the extract from Lucy Hutchinson's memoir of her husband Colonel Hutchinson, Governor of Nottingham Castle; Lucy translated Lucretius' De rerum natura). In 1915 William Heinemann published Pliny's Letters with an English Translation by William Melmoth revised by W.M.L. Hutchinson. This work was in two volumes and demonstrates the depth of Hutchinson's scholarship. The book formed part of the Loeb Classical Library. The preface is quoted in full:

 PREFACE TO THE LOEB EDITION OF PLINY'S LETTERS

WRITTEN BY W.M.L. HUTCHINSON

Melmoth's translation of Pliny's Letters, published in 1746, not only delighted contemporary critics – amongst whom Warton pronounced it a better work than the original – but deservedly ranks as a minor English classic. Apart from its literary excellence, it has the supreme merit of reflecting the spirit of the original, and that to a degree now unobtainable. For it was produced when the lost art of letter-writing was in its heyday, and to compose just such letters as Pliny's the universal accomplishment of well-bred persons. His high-flown compliments, his neatly-turned platitudes, his nice blending of sense and sensibility, were stock ingredients of eighteenth century correspondence; and Melmoth – himself author of a vastly admired series of imaginary letters – had the ideal style for translating him at his fingers' ends. All modern rendering can re-capture the ease and felicity of Melmoth's; for they come of his living in a world so like Pliny's own that he was perfectly at home with his author's mode of thought.

 On the other hand, Melmoth carried too far the principle that the letter killeth but the spirit giveth life. Judged even by the easy canons of his time in regard to translation, his work is extraordinarily loose and inaccurate; a good deal of it is simply paraphrase, and in many places the sense is flagrantly wrong. Thorough revision was necessary if it was to be included in the Loeb Classical Library; it was further needful to compress it considerably before it could be placed side by side with the text, as Melmoth's fondness for amplifying often makes the English twice as long as the Latin. To put new cloth to an old garment is always a hazardous undertaking, and the best I can hope is that my patches, though extensive, are sufficiently in harmony with the original fabric and to escape notice.

The text of the present edition is based upon that published by the Bipon's Press in 1789, which seems approximately the same as Melmoth's; it has been revised throughout with the help of the following modern editions: Keil, 1853 and 1873; C.F.W. Mueller (Teubner), 1903; Merrill (Selections), 1903; Kukula (Teubner), 1908; and, for Book X, Hardy, 1889. Textual criticism, which in Pliny's case is highly difficult and uncertain, does not come within the scope of this edition; I have merely given some of the more important variant readings, citing the source of each. For the explanatory notes I am largely indebted to Merrill and Hard, and here also consulted Church and Broadribb's "Selections" (1880).

 J Wight Duff in the Classical Review of November 1916 (Vol. 30, Issue 7) wrote:

A Fellow-Traveller of mine on a journey recently happened to glance through one of these volumes, and returned it with the remark:"How very wordy English looks beside Latin!" If he could have seen the real unpruned Melmoth translation of 1746, he would have been still more impressed with its luxurious overgrowth; and the reviser, Miss Hutchinson, is expressly anxious of the need for cutting down its exuberance. Melmoth's translation possessed merits of its own: it was written in easy idiomatic English, and there is still a pleasing ring in a style not inappropriate as an echo of a century of great letter-writers. Standing alone, it could be read as a minor English classic, but facing the original, as is required in the Loeb Classical Library, it would, if unrevised, have shown to great disadvantage: for the confronting Latin would have too manifestly reproached its inaccuracies and verbosity. Melmoth . . . like all wordy translators has a trick of evading difficulties, so that a reader may suffer from exasperating desertion at points where the syntax is in the least complex. . . Indeed, his work is much more unable through loose paraphrase than a translation, and the present age sets up different standards of translation from the eighteenth century, and dislikes to find little words and little phrases of an original swollen to mammoth like proportions. Modern taste, therefore, prefers to have Pliny's quoque rendered by "even" instead of by Melmoth's "I do not scruple to add". . . Probably it is in the more business-like correspondence of the Tenth Book that Melmoth's version appears most out of place. His leisurely amplitude does not so much matter in the chatty sort of letter common in the other books, but it rings untrue in some of Pliny's matter-of-fact reports to the emperor, and most of all in the brief, and sometimes almost sharp, replies of Trajan. So it is a ludicrous misrepresentation of the emperor's terseness to convert 'elige' (X. lxii) into "I leave it to your own choice to pursue" – nine words for one. . . or "gymnasiis indulgent Graeculi" into "these paltry Greeks are, I know, immoderately fond of gymnastic diversions". When these eleven words are given for Trajan's three, it is clear that the measure has run over, and the style of the original is altered beyond recognition. On the other hand, to condense too rigorously is to lose all the flavour of Melmoth's English, so that a media via has to be followed.

This Middle course is steered with considerable success in the present revision, which is eminently readable. The commission having been what it was, to base a translation on Melmoth's, one may congratulate the reviser upon the result. Skill and taste characterise the alterations.

Hutchinson also edited a new edition of Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome in 1910 and contributed several peer reviews of others' work to the Classical Review, including reviews of Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics by F.W. Bussell D.D. published in 1910; Roman Stoicism by E. Vernon Arnold, Litt.D., formerly a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, published by Cambridge University Press in 1911; Themis: A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion by Jane Ellen Harrison, published in 1912; and The Odes of Pindar, including the principal fragments. With an Introduction and an English Translation by Sir John Sandys (Loeb Classical Series), 1915.

All the reviews provide a scholarly commentary on the texts and demonstrate Hutchinson's excellent understanding of classical languages, her own ability to translate as well as her love and comprehension of the 'spirit' of the originals. Pindar's Odes had inspired her own book The Golden Porch but in her review of Sir John Sandys translation, she shows that her own writing was not based on any superficial acquaintance with English translations of the legends but on a thorough knowledge and understanding of the original texts and classical history. She writes that:

It is, or was, the fashion to assume that Pindar must have been as intrinsically difficult to his contemporaries as he is to us; and that they followed his train of thought only by help of clues in the shape of "signal-words", "metrical responsions", and the like, in fact that he used a sort of cypher, the key to which they possessed but we need to rediscover. But the more patiently and perseveringly one reads him, the more it seems that the true "Open, Sesame" to Pindar must be sought in another direction. . . to ask ourselves continually "What would this passage have conveyed to the average fifth-century Greek?

Rosamond Philpott

It is not certain how Winifred Hutchinson and Rosamond Philpott first became acquainted but their fathers may well have known each other. Rosamond Philpott (born in 1861), one of six children, was the youngest daughter of the Rev. Richard Stamper Philpott, vicar of Chewton Mendip, Somerset and a Prebendary of Wells Cathedral. The 1881 census shows three children with the surname Mill, all born in India, boarding with the Rev. and Mrs Philpott, so the Rev. Philpott may, like Edward Hutchinson, have had connections with India.

In London the family lived at 22 Upper Mall, Chiswick which had been built c1719 for house servants of the Queen Dowager. River House is still a charming building and the Rev. Philpott commissioned a bookplate with an illustration of the house from Edmund Hort New, an English artist and illustrator (1871-1931), member of the Birmingham Group and associate of William Morris. The Philpotts moved in similar circles to that of the Hutchinsons.

Rosamond Philpott was a musician and bookbinder. She trained at the Royal College of Music in South Kensington, where the Hutchinsons also lived, and the British Library holds a score: 'Christmas Carols for treble voices, unaccompanied arranged or composed by Rosamond Philpott'. After the death of her father, Rosamond lived with her mother in Upper Mall. The census of 1901 shows that the household included a sick nurse: Mrs Philpott was 73 at the time. Rosamond's youngest brother, Henry, a Lieutenant with the Royal Navy was also living there when the census was taken. Her eldest brother was a clergyman.

Around 1904, Rosamond Philpott trained as a book-binder with the famous firm of Sangorski and Sutcliffe, established in London in 1901, known for their luxurious bindings which incorporated real gold and jewels: a beautifully bound edition of the Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam, being delivered to a customer, went down with the Titanic. After training, Rosamond Philpott moved to Cambridge where she set up her own business: the Marygold Bindery, working from home firstly in Tenison Avenue, then at 5 De Freville Avenue. After the war she had a workshop in Castle Street and lived at 2 Bridge Street with Winifred Hutchinson.

Merton College, Oxford, holds a small collection of Rosamond Philpott's work, donated by John Rawson and Professor Dame Jessica Rawson. The description of the collection states that 'Philpott's bindings employ floral motifs and fluid symmetrical designs executed in gold tooling in an Arts and Crafts Style'.Artistic pursuits had long been part of the feminine curriculum but arts and crafts was also one of the more socially acceptable areas where women began to establish themselves in the workforce in areas historically the province of men only. The Pinwill sisters, daughters of the Rev. Edmund Pinwill, at the end of the nineteenth century operated a successful business as ecclesiastical woodcarvers, under the masculine sounding name of Rashleigh, Pinwill & Co. Violet Pinwill carved a rood screen and pew ends, paid for by Q's cousin Margaret Quiller Couch, at the church of St-Martin-by-Looe, Cornwall. That women of their class were actively seeking work is evinced by the columns of The Queen: The Lady's Magazine which had regular features on the employment of women. For a long period certain women had been dissatisfied with a purely domestic role but met with male prejudice. In Charlotte Bronte's Shirley, first published in 1849, Shirley Keeldar asks her friend Caroline Helstone 'don't you wish you had a profession – a trade?' Caroline replies 'I wish it fifty times a day . . . but hard labour and learned professions, they say, make women masculine, coarse, unwomanly' (Bronte, 1976).

There was a general revival of interest in arts and crafts at the beginning of the twentieth century, described by Montague Fordham, director of the Artificers' Guild, speaking at the first exhibition in November 1906 of the Cambridge Arts and Crafts Society 'as an attempt to put man as creator in his proper position in the national life'. Rosamond Philpott was one of the exhibitors. The Cambridge Independent Press (Friday, 16 November 1906) reported that:

Although the exhibitors include many of the leading exponents of various branches of arts and crafts, local workers play a creditable part in the exhibition. Especially is this the case with Miss Rosamond Philpott, a Cambridge lady who is recognised as one of the leading bookbinders of the day. At the international exhibition of bookbinders at Frankfort, recently, she gained a diploma for her work, of which there is a fine display.

The Canterbury Journal, Kentish Times and Farmer's Gazette (27 July 1907) on the Arts and Crafts Exhibition at the Canterbury Weavers wrote that:

...at this exhibition one's eyes are opened to the secrets of many craftsmen – and craftswomen for the feminine element is well represented. What cannot ladies do? This is a question which strikes one forcibly when one sees a lady actually carving out some beautiful bookbinding work (Miss Rosamond Philpott of Cambridge), whilst directly opposite to her, the visitor sees another lady . . . painting in a masterly hand in watercolours, brilliant floral designs on chiffon dresses and parasols, and yet another deftly carving wood into fantastic designs of all shapes and sizes.

The London Evening Standard, reflecting the growing interest in women's affairs, ran a column called 'The Woman's Platform'. On Wednesday 1 November 1911, Rosamond Philpott gave an interview to promote both the Cambridge Arts and Crafts Society's (of which she was one of the honorary secretaries) forthcoming exhibition, and to discuss the employment opportunities for women in this area:

The extensive field of profitable employment open under technical training for women is evidenced by the numerous specimens of handiwork on view at the Exhibition of the Cambridge Arts and Crafts Society, which will be opened today by the Countess of Lytton in the Guildhall, Cambridge.

In the hope of gaining a more intimate acquaintance with the aims of this excellent institution, a representative of 'Woman's Platform' called on Miss Rosamond Philpott, one of the honorary secretaries of the society.

"I am interested in the success of the exhibition," said Miss Philpott, "from two points of view. I am one of its officials, and I go in for artistic bookbinding. What do you think of my workshop?" It was a daintily furnished apartment, the only signs of business being a bookbinder's press and a square leather satchel in which were the tools necessary for the work of which Miss Philpott is one of the leading exponents in Cambridge.

"If hard work on the part of the committee," continued Miss Philpott, "and if Miss F. Prest, my co-secretary, and myself are to be taken as any criterion, combined with the response which has been made for exhibits, the exhibition will be one of the successes of the Cambridge Year. To begin with, we have a magnificent list of patrons, amongst whom is Queen Alexandra. Her Majesty is sending specimens of the beautiful work executed by the pupils of the Royal School of Needlework at Sandringham. Another distinguished supporter from whom we shall receive exhibits is Princess Christian of Schleswig-Holstein, and it is also hoped that the Princess Marie-Louise will send us some of her fine enamels.

Our society has had a very vigorous existence, despite its youth. We came into active being in 1905. So much interest was created by an exhibition held in 1904 by some of those who are now our supporters, that it was resolved to form the Arts and Crafts Society, Dr. James, our first president, was succeeded by Dr. Waldstein, the Slade Professor of Fine Art, who is lending us a beautiful collection of objets d'art which will give great distinction to the exhibition.

One very novel feature in connection with it will be a demonstration by Miss Janet Foord of colour-printing. She is a lady who does very delicate and beautiful work in this line, and nothing of the kind has been previously seen in Cambridge. Then, too, Miss Phyllis Baker will show how jewellery is made, and will at the same time demonstrate its suitability as an occupation for women. We shall also have exhibitions of various kinds of lace manufacture by hand, as one of the illustrations of what can be carried out as cottage industries.

In addition to jewellery, we have repoussé and other metal work being prepared in their various stages, a potter from Reading turning out Silchester ware, and who will bring with him clay from the identical vein which is said to have been used by the Romans, and most of the vases which will be on exhibition will be copies of the specimens in the fine collection of Roman remains in the Reading Museum.

Special Women's Work:There will also be a great display of lace and embroidery, and we have prizes for various forms of work in which women can engage, such as book illustrations, silk-weaving by hand, leather binding, title-page designing, whilst one of the technical magazines has offered a silver and bronze medal for the best specimens of wood-carving in the exhibition. The exhibits sent in by ladies will awaken greater interest than ever in those channels for the employment of women who devote their attention to artistic and light manual work.

In the same issue of the paper a notice advertised that:

The Woman's Platform tomorrow will include among the features of special interest, "Women's wasted powers" by Miss F. Melian Stawell. (Thinking women of all parties will be equally interested in this thoughtful appeal for more practical training and work.)

The 1907 Local Government Act provided that women with certain qualifications were made eligible to stand for Borough and County Councils. The Cambridge Women's Local Government Committee was set up to promote the election of women to positions in local government. Rosamond Philpott stood for the Cambridge Town Council in the elections of 1908 in the Petersfield Ward, against the retiring candidate Thomas Mathers, a Watchmaker and Jeweller. She was one of two 'lady candidates' and one of only a dozen women candidates throughout the whole country: the Daily Mirror 2 November 1908 included photographs of all the female candidates. There was a great deal of opposition to the notion of women representatives on the council, epitomised by the resignation letter of Mr Newton Digby who had in fact originally signed up to the Cambridge Committee but withdrew his support because of (he said) the support of the committee for Rosamond Philpott: 'Hitherto my sympathies have been with women undertaking certain municipal duties . . . but I do not think the Corporation will benefit from the presence of women at our Town Council.' The President of the Cambridge committee, Maud, Lady Darwin, pointed out that in fact the committee did not support any individual candidate or political party and said 'I can only suppose that Mr Digby did not read the paper carefully when he gave his signature.' His attitude certainly seems inconsistent.

The First World War

By the beginning of the First World War Newnham College had grown rapidly: since the first hall - known as Old Hall - three more halls, a laboratory, library and administration block had been added. During the war, many Cambridge women had been engaged in war work:

Girton and Newnham undergraduates combined forces in charitable activities to fund an entire unit of the Scottish Women's Hospitals, and many went to work for that organization as doctors, nurses, orderlies, couriers and interpreters – these last key roles since SWH's main work was done on the Eastern Front    (newn.cam.ac.uk/about/history).

Both Hutchinson and Philpott were engaged in war work. Hutchinson wrote several poems which were used for recruitment purposes to inspire men to join up: 'Roll Up!', 'The Call from the Trenches', and 'Now's the time!'. A notice in the Pall Mall Gazette of 3 September 1914 records that 'Both Lord Esher and the Lord Mayor have accepted for recruiting purposes the use of the poem by Mr [sic] W. M. L. Hutchinson which appeared in the "Pall Mall Gazette" of August 20. It will be included in Mr. John Lane's forthcoming book of war poems'.

John Lane was co-founder of The Bodley Head in 1887 with Elkin Mathews. They published several volumes of war poems including those written by prisoners of war: Sonnets from a Prison Camp (1919) by Archibald Bowman, a POW in Germany ; and Poems in Captivity (1919) by Lieutenant John Still of the East Yorkshire regiment, a POW in Turkey.

The Montrose Standard of Friday, October 15, 1915 published Winifred Hutchinson's 'Now's the Time!':

Now's The Time!

Hark! It is the bugle-call
Now's the time, now's the time!
Rally, rally, Britons all,
Now's the time!
Hear the tramp of marching feet
As the boys swing down the street,
And the drums, how loud they beat -
Now's the time!
Comes today one choice for all,
Now's the time, now's the time!
Shall our country stand or fall?
Now's the time!
Life and death are in the scales
God help Britain if we fail,
She must perish or prevail -

Now's the time!
See our splendid troops advance,
Now's the time, now's the time!

Hand-in-hand with gallant France,
Now's the time!
Trench by trench they clear the way,
For the Bosches cannot stay
When the bayonet comes in play -
Now's the time!
But their ranks are growing thin,
All the time, all the time,
For at heavy cost they win,
All the time.
And to reach the goal in view,

Men at home, they look to YOU -
Join today and see them through -
Now's the time!

This stirring effort designed to appeal to young men was accompanied by a sentimental poem by 'G.M.S.' aimed at the powers of feminine persuasion entitled MOTHERS! The last verse reads:

And, if Fate will that, Mothers,
Your sons fall fighting there,
Say, though your heart be breaking,
"Thank God he did his share".

Both women were involved in sending comforts to troops in the trenches and prisoners of war: Winifred Hutchinson was Hon. Secretary of the Cambridge and Isle of Ely Prisoners of War Help Committee and Rosamond Philpott was Hon. Secretary of the Ladies Recruiting Committee and Winifred Hutchinson was also on this committee. The L.R.C. was active in raising funds, particularly for Cambridge regiments at the front, to provide warm clothes, socks, mufflers, mittens but also equipment such as 'field glasses, periscopes, telescopes, telescopic sights, spare telephone parts and wire, and various things required by the medical officer which are not provided by the government'. The Cambridge Independent News in October 1915 ran an appeal, stating that:

since the formation of the Committee they have raised £1,500, and since the County Council is good enough to lend rooms for an office and store room, there are no expenses except postage, stationery and printing, and the carriage of goods. Practically the whole amount subscribed, therefore, has been spent for the purpose it was intended. . . If you can afford a sovereign, send one; if you can only spare sixpence, send that. But: send something.

The Cambridge Independent Press of Friday, 10 December 1915 published a letter of thanks for donations for Christmas parcels for war prisoners, signed by both Rosamond Philpott and Winifred Hutchinson in their official capacities.

Many of the proprietors of large shops in Cambridge, in Littleport and Chatteris, kindly gave us permission to place an appeal . . . and a great many useful things were thus collected. The Ely League of Honour held a 'Gift Day' . . . and subsequently sent us an immense quantity of tinned foods and other suitable presents. As a result of all this kindness and generosity the Committee was able to send 225 Cambridge and Isle of Ely prisoners of war in various German camps boxes containing the following things: - 1 tin corned beef, 1 tin salmon, 1 tin potted fish or meat, 1 tin jam, treacle or fruit, 1 tin Oxo cubes, 1 tin cocoa and milk, or tea and sugar, cake, plum pudding or biscuits, pepper, mustard and salt, sweets, cigarettes or tobacco and pipe, towel, soap, bootlaces, woollen comfort, game or cards.

All the boxes were of double cardboard wrapped in waterproof and strong brown paper, an extra label and length of string being put inside. Thanks to the energetic and kind assistance of many kind helpers all the parcels were despatched in a very short time, after inspection by an expert packer; we have therefore every hope that they will arrive in proper condition and bring comfort and good cheer to the prisoners for Christmas.

In 1917 and 1918 Philpott served with Queen Mary's Army Auxiliary Corps, and was awarded both the Victory Medal and the British War Medal. Her nephew, John Reginald Philpott (son of her eldest brother) of the Royal Flying Corps, died on 15 January 1918. He was awarded the M.C. and is buried in the war cemetery at Baghdad.

The war had meant a drastic loss of fee income particularly for the men's colleges and help was sought from the state. 'In this context women tried to secure inclusion again' (Sutherland). In spite of all the efforts of women during wartime, and evidence of their organizational capabilities and academic ability, male prejudice against women in public life and academia persisted. In 1921 the Senate granted to women the titles of their degrees but without all the associated rights and privileges. The result of the decision was a riot by male undergraduates. A mob of nearly two thousand descended on Newnham, ramming the gates with a handcart and doing extensive damage.

Political activities

Towards the end of the First World War Hutchinson was involved in the local organization of the short-lived National Party. This had been formed by the Liberal Unionist Peer Lord Ampthill, Sir Richard Cooper and Sir Henry Page Croft. This party was opposed to the two main parties: the Conservatives and the Liberals and sought to make an alliance with the Labour Party although it had a core of wealthy and upper class members. The party was xenophobic in that it sought 'the eradication of the German influence' and supported the aims of the Merchant Seamen's League of exacting punishment on the Germans by sinking ships, in contravention of international law. It campaigned for the provision of adequate men and munitions to win the war. Anti-German sentiment was rife in all sections of society and parties at the time, although was, with hindsight, to prove misguided and the 'squeeze Germany 'til the pips squeak' type of rhetoric after the war was won rebounded and became a factor in the causes of the Second World War.

The party sought to establish a social policy which would create a 'contented, patriotic race'; unity between employer and employed with fair wages for workers and fair profits for employers; a process to allow for the demobilisation of soldiers and sailors and their reintegration into civilian life; the abandonment of sectarian, class and sectional interests in favour of national unity; the end of the sale of honours; and to include men and women from all parties.

A letter to the editor of the Cambridge Daily News from Hutchinson, on the subject of the National Party, was published on Tuesday, 26 March 1918:

Unlike your correspondents of yesterday, what chiefly impressed me in Dr. McTaggart's speech against the National Party was not its optimism, but its complete detachment from reality. Whether or not a change in our political system be desirable, is after all matter or opinion, but not to see that such a change is inevitable, and has even now set in, is surely to be blind to the signs of the times. Dr. McTaggart looks upon both the great old parties, and behold they are very good. They have all the virtues and all the talents, and there is nothing the matter with either – to the philosophic eye. But to the practical eye, the eye of the men in the street, there is just one thing the matter with both – they are dead. Like Lord Chesterfield and his friend "they have been dead these two years, but they don't choose to have it known." All the same, most people have found it out by this time. The names Liberal and Conservative have ceased to be anything more than different labels stuck on the same lot of goods – and damaged goods at that. Parties, as Dr. McTaggart said, we British shall always have, and a good thing too, but they must be alive, in the sense of having living faith in the ideals they profess. It seems to many that the only such party to-day is that of Labour, which is destined to sweep away all rivals in its triumphant progress. At least, it will make short work of the theory Dr. McTaggart shares with the sentry in "Iolanthe":

That every little boy and gal
Who's born into the world alive,
Is either a little Liber – ral
Or else a little Conserva – tive.

But already signs are not wanting that the Labour Party, far from being indivisible, will form groups representing various sections and shades of opinion, while other classes of the community will follow suit. Archdeacon Cunningham's forecast of a group system thus seems much more likely to be realised than Dr McTaggart's pleasing vision of an eternal swing of the pendulum between the Progressives and Reactionaries who amicably exchange the sweets of office. And, surely, sir, among these groups there is room and a mission for one which, in calling itself the National Party, does not for a moment imply that other parties are indifferent to national interests, but does pledge itself to set these interests before every other, and to work for the promotion of a better understanding between classes, whereby alone the vast impending changes in our whole social fabric can be brought to a happy issue. No need for a new party, says Dr. McTaggart in effect, "for the old wine is better". But there is a new wine, the vintage of the war, which this country will drink of deeply before long. And "new wine must be put into new bottles".

On Saturday, 29 June 1918, an advertisement for the National Party was inserted into the Cambridge Daily News by Hutchinson and C.H. Wilkinson, joint Hon. Secretaries of the Cambridge branch of the party. It was given a mysterious and intriguing aspect by appearing to have been cut from sections of newspaper, like an anonymous letter:

 RECENT DISCLOSURES 
Reveal the urgent need of a vigorous protest against
 
The Misuse of Public Position, and the Influence of Enemy Aliens
 
Register YOUR protest by joining
THE NATIONAL PARTY
 
which stands for
Clean Government
 
The Cambridge Association has not yet been Raided
Join To-Day

A brief editorial comment in the same column elucidated matters:

 No Raid Yet.

The Offices of the Cambridge Association of the National Party have not yet been raided by the military authorities in their search for the Leverton Harris letters, the reading of which by General Page Croft in the House of Commons this week created such a sensation. A good deal of indignation has been expressed by certain papers – notably the "Westminster Gazette" – that confidential correspondence could have been disclosed presumably by an official of the Department concerned. Even admitting that this indignation is justified, it leaves the real point at issue – the conduct of Mr Leverton Harris – untouched. Two negatives may make an affirmative, but two wrongs do not make one right.

Letters written from the Admiralty War Office by Lieutenant Leverton-Harris to the Chief Cable Censor regarding certain concessions for the firm of Harris and Dixon, had fallen into the hands of General Page Croft who read them out during a parliamentary debate, implying the improper use of his position in the Trade Department by Leverton Harris who had been a major shareholder of the firm, although he insisted that he had already severed his connections with them. The reference to enemy aliens referred to in the advertisement (and also raised in parliament) concerned Mrs Leverton-Harris who was a friend of Baron Leopold von Plessen, interned as an enemy alien, and whom she allegedly visited in prison, passing letters and parcels for him. Leverton-Harris was vigorous in his denial of any abuse of position but the result of the scandal was that he decided to withdraw from politics.

The National Party was disbanded in 1921 but revived for a time under the new name of the National Constitutional Association. The party published the newspaper National Opinion from 1918-1923.

Q's Relationship with Winifred Hutchinson

Brittain describes how Q became a firm friend of Hutchinson and her own great friend Philpott , and how every Whit Monday he used to take them into the country for a picnic lunch:

One year he chose a riverside spot near Clare in Suffolk. The ladies always remembered that picnic as the one of "The Great Explosion of Wrath"; for when Q opened the lunch basket to take out the bottle of Burgundy that he had chosen with great care from the College cellar he found that some abominable teetotal drink had been put in its place by mistake.

 A.L. Rowse described how:

Q, who had fancied bright colours all his life transferred this interest to the bindings of his books. The sedate Syndics of the Cambridge Press must have been amused to receive a postcard from Fowey, with his inveterate addiction to light verse:

 The Children's Bible
In this climate is li'ble
In "Cloth Limp"
To be damp as a shrimp.
"Cloth Boards"
No protection affords
Against water spilt,
Even Less "Cloth Gilt" . . .

 And so he went on to the conclusion:

 "Polished Leather"
Defies every weather.

Was this interest perhaps a result of his acquaintance with Rosamond Philpott?

Winifred Hutchinson and Rosamond Philpott remained friends all their lives. By 1927, Q's eyesight had greatly improved (which he attributed to being able to resume smoking) until:

...by the end of 1927 his eyesight seemed as good as it had ever been and never again gave cause for anxiety. By an irony of fate, Miss Hutchinson, who had been so great a helper to him in his trouble, was herself stricken with blindness soon afterwards. Q used to visit her frequently until she left Cambridge with Miss Philpott a few years later; and he continued to write cheering, chivalrous letters to her until she died at Wells in 1937 (Brittain, 1947).

The two women moved to Haversham House, New Street, Wells, where Hutchinson died on 5 October 1937. Her funeral was held on 7th October. She left an estate worth £9,664 12s 6d and her executors were Rosamond Philpott and Alexander Beresford, solicitor. Philpott lived at Haversham House until her own death on September 13th 1950.

Conclusion

Developments in the education of girls and women in the second half of the nineteenth century and first half of the twentieth century went hand in hand with the movement towards the emancipation of women and the gradual release of upper and middle class women from a purely domestic sphere, into the workplace alongside male colleagues, public life, and the possibility of financial independence.

Winifred Hutchinson was born in 1868, a contemporary of Q and his sisters, at a time when girls of their class tended to be educated at home by governesses, or even, when family economies were strained, by mothers and older sisters. The needs and desires of able girls and women to escape a life of pure domesticity, was sacrificed to social convention and by economic constraints which gave precedence to their brothers, who would have to earn a living and support a wife and children. Girls without an independent income would remain dependent on male relatives. Winifred Hutchinson was born too early to take advantage of the new state-funded grammar schools – the result of the Balfour Education Act of 1902 – which allowed able girls whose families had limited financial means to progress at a rate similar to boys and to enter universities.

The Cambridge Higher Local Examinations and the flexible entry requirements at Newnham College, had allowed Hutchinson a route to progress to degree level examinations, but this was at the relatively late age of twenty-four, and she was twenty-seven by the time she passed the Classical Tripos in 1895, whereas her younger brother had already graduated from St John's by the time he was twenty-one.

There was considerable opposition at Cambridge to women undergraduates. Although they consistently proved in their examination results that their performance was equal to (and sometimes superior to) that of their male counterparts, they were refused even the title of their degrees until after the First World War, and even then in 1921 the decision of the Senate to allow this whilst withholding all other privileges resulted in rioting and damage by a vast mob of male undergraduates unwilling for the 'monstrous regiment of women' to encroach on their male preserves. Between the wars women became university lecturers at Cambridge and Dorothy Garrod was elected Disney Professor of Archaeology in 1938, the first woman to hold a professorial chair at either Oxford or Cambridge. However, these women had no say in the affairs of their own departments or that of the University as a whole, being prevented from speaking or voting. In 1948, more than ten years after Hutchinson's death, women were finally admitted as full members of the University, but the University retained its powers to limit their numbers until 1981.

Winifred Hutchinson: published works

Aeacus: A Judge of the Underworld (1901) Cambridge: Macmillan & Bowes

The Golden Porch: A Book of Greek Fairy Tales (1907) London: Edward Arnold

Orpheus with his Lute: Stories of the World's Springtime (1909) London: Edward Arnold

M. Tullii Ciceronis: de finibus bonorum et malorum libri quinque with an introduction and commentary by W.M.L. Hutchinson (1909) London: Edward Arnold

Lays of Ancient Rome, with Ivry, The Armada, and Naseby by Thomas Babington Macaulay, edited by W.M.L. Hutchinson (1910) Oxford: Clarendon Press

The Muses Pageant: Myths and Legends ofAncient Greece retold by W.M.L. Hutchinson (1912) London: J.M. Dent Ltd., Everyman's Library Series:

Vol. 1: Myths of the Gods
Vol. 2: Myths of the Heroes
Vol. 3: The Legend of Thebes
Vol. 4: The Sunset of the Heroes: Last Adventures of the Takers of Troy

Pliny's Letters with an English Translation by William Melmoth revised by W.M.L. Hutchinson (1915) London: William Heineman (Loeb Classical Library)

Also: New York: the Macmillan Co.

Evergreen Stories, retold from Classical Sources by W.M.L. Hutchinson (1920) London: J.M. Dent Ltd., The King's Treasures of Literature Series, General Editor Sir Arthur T. Quiller-Couch. (Also: New York: Dutton)

References

Austen, J. (1971) Emma. Oxford: OUP

Austen, J. (1969) Sense and Sensibility. London: Penguin Classical Library

BRITISH NEWSPAPER ARCHIVES

Brittain, F. (1947) Arthur Quiller-Couch: A Biographical Study of Q. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Bronte, C. (1974) Shirley. London: Penguin

Classical Review:

Vol. 24, Issue 4, June 1910, pp. 131

Vol. 25, Issue 6, September 1911, pp. 182-185

Vol. 27, Issue 2, March 1913, pp. 69

Vol. 27, Issue 4, June 1913, pp.132-134

Vol. 30, Issue 7, November 1916, pp. 200-202

Vol. 31, Issue 3-4, May 1917, pp. 98-100

Fénélon, François de Salignac de la Mothe. (1809 De L'Éducation des Filles, (1687) France: J-C Salles

Fletcher, A. (2008) Growing Up in England: The Experience of Childhood, 1600–1914.

London & New York: Yale University Press.

Godden, J & R. (1966) Two Under the Indian Sun. London: Companion Book Club

Hutchinson, W.M.L. (1907) The Golden Porch: A Book of Greek Fairy Tales  London: Edward Arnold

Hutchinson, W.M.L (ed.) (1915) Pliny's Letters with an English Translation . London: William Heineman (Loeb Classical Library) (Also: New York: the Macmillan Co.)

Musgrave, P.W. (1968) Society and Education in England since 1800  London: Methuen.

NATIONAL ARCHIVES

Quiller-Couch, A. (ed.) (1925) The Oxford Book of English Prose. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Quiller-Couch, A. (1944) Memories and Opinions by Q: an unfinished autobiography . Cambridge:C.U.P.

Quiller-Couch, A. (1907) Poison Island. London: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd.

Raverat, G. (1960) Period Piece: A Cambridge Childhood . London: Faber and Faber

Rowse, A.L. (1947) Quiller-Couch: A Biographical Study of Q. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Royal Geographical Society of London  Vol. 21, no. 6, (1876-77) pp. 498-504

Websites

Archivesearch.libcam.ac.uk/about/history

 www.boyton.com

 www.cambridge.org

 www.childrenshomes.org.uk

 https://jeffreygreen.co.uk

 www.jorvik.co.uk/george-leeman

 www.jstor.org/stable/1799923

 newn.cam.ac.uk/about/history